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During the [[Counter-Reformation]] in Europe, the [[Council of Trent]] released a decree "On the Invocation, Veneration, and Relics, of Saints, and on Sacred Images," which explained that in Catholic doctrine [[icon|images]] and [[relic]]s of the saints are to be used by worshipers to help them contemplate the saints and the virtues that they represent but that those images and relics do not actually embody the saints.  Folk saints are seen as intermediaries between penitents and the divine but are not considered powerful in and of themselves.  A shrine may be built "that becomes the location for the fulfillment of the village's calendrical obligations and critical supplications to the shrine image — the villages divine protector," writes anthropologist and religious historian William A. Christian Jr., but "in this context the shrine image and the site of its location are of prime importance; the seer merely introduces it, and is not himself or herself the focal point of the worship."<ref>Christian, p. 107</ref>
During the [[Counter-Reformation]] in Europe, the [[Council of Trent]] released a decree "On the Invocation, Veneration, and Relics, of Saints, and on Sacred Images," which explained that in Catholic doctrine [[icon|images]] and [[relic]]s of the saints are to be used by worshipers to help them contemplate the saints and the virtues that they represent but that those images and relics do not actually embody the saints.  Folk saints are seen as intermediaries between penitents and the divine but are not considered powerful in and of themselves.  A shrine may be built "that becomes the location for the fulfillment of the village's calendrical obligations and critical supplications to the shrine image — the villages divine protector," writes anthropologist and religious historian William A. Christian Jr., but "in this context the shrine image and the site of its location are of prime importance; the seer merely introduces it, and is not himself or herself the focal point of the worship."<ref>Christian, p. 107</ref>


In pre-Columbian Mesoamerican tradition, on the other hand, representation meant embodiment rather than mere resemblance, as it did in Europe.<ref>Lois Parkinson Zamora. 2006. The Inordinate Eye: New World Baroque and Latin American Fiction.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.</ref>  Thus, for Mesoamerican peoples images took on the characters and spirits that they represented whilst for European Catholics this was considered [[idolatry]].  The Mesoamerican perspective lives on in the actions characteristic of folk saints in the region.  These folk saints often take act directly in the lives of their devotees rather than serving as mere intermediaries and are themselves venerated.  Visitors frequently interact with representations of folk saints as though they were interacting with an actual person, observing the proper etiquette for speaking to a patron or a friend depending on the spirit's disposition, shaking hands, or offering it a cigarette or a drink.
In pre-Columbian Mesoamerican tradition, on the other hand, representation meant embodiment rather than mere resemblance, as it did in Europe.<ref>Lois Parkinson Zamora. 2006. The Inordinate Eye: New World Baroque and Latin American Fiction.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.</ref>  Thus, for Mesoamerican peoples images took on the characters and spirits that they represented whilst for European Catholics this was considered [[idolatry]].  The Mesoamerican perspective lives on in the actions characteristic of folk saints in the region.  These folk saints often act directly in the lives of their devotees, rather than serving as mere intermediaries, and are themselves venerated.  Visitors frequently interact with representations of folk saints as though they were interacting with an actual person, observing the proper etiquette for speaking to a patron or a friend depending on the spirit's disposition, shaking hands, or offering it a cigarette or a drink.


Similar local variations may be observed in folk saints of any cultural region, as they may be in the local or regional preference of one official saint versus another.  Such variation may be attributed to the cultural expectations of the saint's devotees.
Similar local variations may be observed in folk saints of any cultural region, as they may be in the local or regional preference of one official saint versus another.  Such variation may be attributed to the cultural expectations of the saint's devotees.

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(CC) Photo: Manuel Carlos Villalba
Bottles of water are offered to Difunta Correa in commemoration of her death by thirst.

A folk saint is a deceased person or other spiritually powerful entity that is venerated as a saint but who has not been officially canonized by the Church. Like the officially recognized saints, folk saints act as intercessors with God on behalf of supplicants but many also act directly in the lives of their devotees. Frequently, their actions in life and in death distinguish them from their canonized counterparts: their ranks are filled by folk healers, sinners, indigenous spirits and folk heroes. Some are as likely to grant a request to curse an enemy or protect a drug runner as to heal a family member. Folk saints occur throughout the Catholic world, but they are especially popular in Latin America, where most have small followings, but a few are celebrated at the national or even international level. Template:TOC-left

Origins

Even prior to the split of Christianity from Judaism, prophets and holy people were honored with shrines. This tradition continued among the early Christians, who visited the shrines of martyrs to ask for their intercession with God. These early saints were not canonized, however. It was not until the end of the first millennium that the sanctity of martyrs and other venerated persons began to be formally recognized by the Church.

Thus, there is a precedent for the veneration of unofficial saints dating back to the earliest days of Catholicism. Folk saints gain notoriety in much the same manner as the early saints did, and indeed, in much the same way that later canonized saints have first become popular. Word of mouth spreads the news of miracles or good works performed during the person's life and his or her popularity is likely to spread as miracles continue after death. For example, Rosa de Lima, the first American saint, attracted "mass veneration beginning almost at the moment of the mystic's death" but was not canonized until half of a century later.[1]

As the Church spread, it incorporated regions that celebrated deities and heroes that were not part of Catholic tradition. Many of those figures were incorporated into the local variety of Catholicism that resulted, meaning that the ranks of official saints came to include a number of non-Catholic or even fictional persons. An effort was made in 1969 to purge such figures from the official list of saints, though at least some probably remain. Many folk saints have their origins in this same mixing of Catholic traditions and local cultural and religious traditions.

Local character

As a result of the syncretic mixing of traditions and the influence of local culture, devotions to folk saints frequently take on a distinctly local character. The contrast between the manner in which Latin American and Western European folk saints intercede in the lives of their followers provides a good illustration. In Western Europe, "the more pervasive influence of scientific medicine, the comparative stability of Western European governments and above all, the more effective presence of the institutional Church"[2] have meant that unofficial holy people generally work within established doctrine. Latin American holy persons, on the other hand, often stray much further from official canon. Whereas European folk saints serve merely as messengers of the divine, their Latin American counterparts frequently act directly in the lives of their devotees.

During the Counter-Reformation in Europe, the Council of Trent released a decree "On the Invocation, Veneration, and Relics, of Saints, and on Sacred Images," which explained that in Catholic doctrine images and relics of the saints are to be used by worshipers to help them contemplate the saints and the virtues that they represent but that those images and relics do not actually embody the saints. Folk saints are seen as intermediaries between penitents and the divine but are not considered powerful in and of themselves. A shrine may be built "that becomes the location for the fulfillment of the village's calendrical obligations and critical supplications to the shrine image — the villages divine protector," writes anthropologist and religious historian William A. Christian Jr., but "in this context the shrine image and the site of its location are of prime importance; the seer merely introduces it, and is not himself or herself the focal point of the worship."[3]

In pre-Columbian Mesoamerican tradition, on the other hand, representation meant embodiment rather than mere resemblance, as it did in Europe.[4] Thus, for Mesoamerican peoples images took on the characters and spirits that they represented whilst for European Catholics this was considered idolatry. The Mesoamerican perspective lives on in the actions characteristic of folk saints in the region. These folk saints often act directly in the lives of their devotees, rather than serving as mere intermediaries, and are themselves venerated. Visitors frequently interact with representations of folk saints as though they were interacting with an actual person, observing the proper etiquette for speaking to a patron or a friend depending on the spirit's disposition, shaking hands, or offering it a cigarette or a drink.

Similar local variations may be observed in folk saints of any cultural region, as they may be in the local or regional preference of one official saint versus another. Such variation may be attributed to the cultural expectations of the saint's devotees.

Characteristics

Due to their syncretic origins, folk saints tend to be much more ambivalent than the members of the official Catholic pantheon and many would never be considered for canonization by the Church. This ambivalence is attributable in part to the syncretic mixing of traditions discussed above, but it also has much to do with their relationship to their devotees. With the exception of a few whose histories seem to have been invented from whole cloth, folk saints come from the same marginal communities as their followers. They suffered poverty and injustice and many died as victims of violence. In death, they continue to be part of the communities that exist at the margins of society and they act in a more worldly, more pragmatic, less dogmatic fashion than their official counterparts.

Folk saints are also associated with the indigenous nature spirits and deities that permeated the landscape and cultures before the spread of Catholicism to the region through the syncretism that created them. In fact, to distinguish canonized saints from folk saints, the latter are often called "spirits" instead of saints.

In spite of their differences, folk saints often share space with their canonized counterparts and devotions to the official saints frequently take on aspects of devotions to folk saints. In certain areas, representations of the saints, embodying the spirits of the saints that are represented, take on a life of their own: Lois Parkinson Zamora points out that images of the same saint frequently take on different histories in different towns of central Mexico.[5]

Devotions

One might pay a visit to a folk saint for any number of reasons, including general requests for good health and good luck, the lifting of a curse, or protection on the road, but most folk saints have specialties for which their help is particularly sought. Difunta Correa, for example, specializes in helping her followers to acquire new homes and businesses. Juan Bautista Morillo helps gamblers in Venezuela and Juan Soldado watches over border crossings between Mexico and the United States. This is not so different from the canonized saints — St. Benedict, for example, is the patron saint of agricultural workers — but it would be hard to find a canonized saint to look after narcotraffickers, as does Jesus Malverde. In fact, many folk saints attract devotees precisely because they respond to requests that the official saints are unlikely to respond to. As James Griffith writes, "One needs ask for help where the help is likely to be effective."[6] So long as followers come before them with faith and perform the proper devotions, some folk saints are as willing to place a curse on a person as to lift one.

Offerings to folk saints might consist of a very wide range of items, which includes but is not limited to the votive candles offered to the canonized saints. They frequently reflect something of the spirit's former life. Difunta Correa, who died of thirst, is given bottles of water. Maximon and the spirit of Pancho Villa are both offered cigarettes and alcohol. Teddy bears and toys are left at the tomb of a little boy called Carlitos in a cemetery in Hermosillo, Mexico.

As long as the spirits come through for their followers, their devotees will keep coming back. Word of mouth spreads news of cures and good fortune following petitions to a folk saint and particularly responsive spirits are likely to gain a large following. Not all remain popular, however. While official saints remain canonized regardless of their popularity, folk saints that lose their devotees through their failure to respond to petitions might fade from memory entirely.

References

  1. Kathleen Ann Myers. 2003. Neither Saints Nor Sinners: Writing the Lives of Women in Spanish America. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 23.
  2. William A Christian Jr. (1973) Holy People in Peasant Europe. Comparative Studies in Society and History 15(1):106-114. p. 106
  3. Christian, p. 107
  4. Lois Parkinson Zamora. 2006. The Inordinate Eye: New World Baroque and Latin American Fiction. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
  5. Zamora 2006, p. 13.
  6. James s. Griffith. 2003. Folk Saints of the Borderlands: Victims, Bandits & Healers. Tucson: Rio Nuevo Publishers. p. 19.