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== '''[[The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order]]''' ==
{{:{{FeaturedArticleTitle}}}}
''by  [[User:Howard C. Berkowitz|Howard C. Berkowitz]]
<small>
 
==Footnotes==
----
'''''The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order''''' is an influential and controversial book on [[grand strategy]], [[international relations]] and world futures, by the late political scientist [[Samuel Huntington]]. He does not rigorously define an abstraction of a [[civilization]], but uses examples, although in a ''[[Foreign Affairs (magazine)|Foreign Affairs]]'' article he called a civilization "the highest cultural grouping and the broadest level of cultural identity short of that which distinguishes humans from other species."<noinclude><ref name=Huntington-FA>{{citation
|title= The Clash of Civilizations?
| date = Summer 1993
| url = http://uniset.ca/terr/news/fgnaff_huntingtonclash.html
| journal = [[Foreign Affairs (magazine)|Foreign Affairs]]
| author = [[Samuel Huntington|Samuel P. Huntington]]}}</ref></noinclude>
 
In the book, the chief premise is
<blockquote>that culture and cultural identifies, which at the broadest level are civilization identities, are shaping the patterns of cohesion, disintegration and culture in the post-[[Cold War]] world.<ref name=Huntington-1996>{{cite book
| title = The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order
| author =  [[Samuel Huntington|Samuel P. Huntington]]
| publisher= Simon & Schuster
| year = 1996
| ISBN-10 = 0684811642
}},p. 20</ref></blockquote> 
 
It takes a darker view than some alternative models, such as that of [[Thomas P.M. Barnett]] in ''[[The Pentagon's New Map]]'',<ref name=Barnett>{{cite book
| author = Barnett, Thomas P.M.
| title = The Pentagon's New Map: The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-first Century
| publisher = Berkley Trade
| year = 2005
| ISBN-10 = 0425202399
}}</ref> suggesting that major conflict is likely; "avoidance of a global war of civilization depends on world leaders accepting and cooperating to maintain the multicivilizational character of global politics." He bases this on five corollaries to the central theme:
#Global politics is multipolar and multicivilizational; [[modernization (cultural)|modernization]] is distinct from [[Westernization]]
#"The balance of power among civilizations is shifting; the West is declining in relative influence"
#"A civilization-based world order is emerging; societies sharing cultural affinities cooperate with each other; efforts to shift societies from one civilization to another are unsuccessful
#"The West's universalist pretentions increasingly bring it into conflict with other civilizations, most seriously with Islam and China"
#"The survival of the West depends on Americans reaffirming their Western identity and Westerners accepting their civilization as unique not universal"
 
He rejects [[globalization]] as being neither necessary nor desirable.</onlyinclude> He specifically rejects the [[The End of History and the Last Man|"end of history"]] model of his student, [[Francis Fukuyama]]:<blockquote>we may be witnessing..the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.<ref name=FukuyamaEnd>{{citation
| author = [[Francis Fukuyama]]
| journal = [[The National Interest]]
| title = The End of History
| volume = 16
| date = Summer 1989
| issue = 4 }}, p. 18</ref></blockquote> Note that Fukuyama has sometimes been strongly identified with [[neoconservatism]], which has this ideal of liberal democracy, although his position keeps evolving.
 
''[[The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order|.... (read more)]]''
 
{| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed" style="width: 90%; float: center; margin: 0.5em 1em 0.8em 0px;"
|-
! style="text-align: center;" | &nbsp;[[The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order#References|notes]]
|-
|
{{reflist|2}}
{{reflist|2}}
|}
</small>

Latest revision as of 10:19, 11 September 2020

Nuclear weapons proliferation is one of the four big issues that have held back worldwide deployment of peaceful nuclear power. This article will address the proliferation questions raised in Nuclear power reconsidered.

As of 2022, countries with nuclear weapons have followed one or both of two paths in producing fissile materials for nuclear weapons: enrichment of uranium to very high fractions of U-235, or extraction of fissile plutonium (Pu-239) from irradiated uranium nuclear reactor fuel. The US forged the way on both paths during its World War II Manhattan Project. The fundamental aspects of both paths are well understood, but both are technically challenging. Even relatively poor countries can be successful if they have sufficient motivation, financial investment, and, in some cases, direct or illicit assistance from more technologically advanced countries.

The International Non-proliferation Regime

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has a vigorous program to prevent additional countries from acquiring nuclear weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is the cornerstone arrangement under which strategic rivals can trust, by independent international verification, that their rivals are not developing a nuclear weapons threat. The large expense of weapons programs makes it very unlikely that a country would start its own nuclear weapons program, if it knows that its rivals are not so engaged. With some notable and worrying exceptions, this program has been largely successful.

Paths to the Bomb

It is frequently claimed that building a civil nuclear power program adds to the weapons proliferation risk. There is an overlap in the two distinct technologies, after all. To build a bomb, one needs Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) or weapons-grade plutonium (Pu-239). Existing reactors running on Low Enriched Uranium (LEU, under 5% U-235) or advanced reactors running on High Assay LEU (HALEU,up to 20% U-235) use the same technology that can enrich uranium to very high levels, but configured differently. Enrichment levels and centrifuge configurations can be monitored using remote cameras, on-site inspections, and installed instrumentation -- hence the value of international inspections by the IAEA. Using commercial power reactors as a weapons plutonium source is an extremely ineffective, slow, expensive, and easily detectable way to produce Pu. Besides the nuclear physics issues, refueling pressurized water reactors is both time-consuming and obvious to outside observers. That is why the US and other countries developed specialized Pu production reactors and/or uranium enrichment to produce fissile cores for nuclear weapons.

Future Threats and Barriers

Minimizing the risk of future proliferation in states that want to buy nuclear reactors or fuel might require one or more barriers:
1) Insisting on full transparency for all nuclear activities in buyer states, including monitoring and inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
2) Limiting fuel processing to just a few supplier states that already have weapons or are approved by the IAEA.
3) Ensuring that fuel at any stage after initial fabrication has an isotopic composition unsuitable for weapons. "Spiking" the initial fuel with non-fissile isotopes, if necessary.
4) Limiting the types of reactors deployed to buyer states. In general, breeders are less secure than burners. Sealed reactor modules are more secure than reactors with on-site fuel processing.
5) Providing incentives and assurances for buyer states to go along with all of the above.
6) Application of diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and other economic measures to non-compliant states.
7) Agreement that any reactor declared rogue by the IAEA will be "fair game" for any state feeling threatened.

Footnotes