Pacification in South Vietnam

Template:TOC-right After partition, and well before the large-scale introduction of U.S. troops, there was a continuing issue to establish better security in the countryside, and gain support of the rural population for the government of the Republic of Vietnam.

U.S. policies in 1965

See also: Foreign internal defense

Lyndon Johnson and Robert McNamara, in selecting a strategy in 1965, had assumed the enemy forces were assumed that much as the defeat of the Axis military had won the Second World War, the Communist military was the center of gravity of the opposition, rather than the political opposition. William Westmoreland, and to a lesser extent Maxwell Taylor, rejected, if they seriously considered, the protracted war doctrine stated by Mao and restated by the DRV leadership, mirror-imaging that they would be reasonable by American standards, and see that they could not prevail against steady escalation. They proposed to defeat an enemy, through attrition of his forces, who guided by the Maoist doctrine of Protracted War, which itself assumed it would attrit the counterinsurgents.

An alternative view, considering overall security as critical, was shared by the Marine leadership and some other U.S. government centers of opinion, including Central Intelligence Agency, Agency for International Development, and United States Army Special Forces. The Marines, with responsibility for I Corps tactical zone, the northern third of the country, had a plan for Phase I. It reflected their historic experience in pacification programs in Haiti and Nicaragua early in the century.

Marine thinking also reflected the limited capabilities of the units first deployed to Vietnam, principally for airbase defense. They recognized that fighting the guerillas they could reach would not have a major effect. If there was to be a solution, it was "to win the support of the people, and thereby deny that support to the VC." This civil affairs-driven philosophy also assumed that the people needed to support their own government, not the Marines. The idea of developing popular support contrasted with the situation where Montagnards, hostile to the GVN but bonded to Army Special Forces, were neither pro-Communist nor pro-government.

When larger forces became available, limitations were still recognized. The operational concept was for the III Marine Amphibious Force to work outward from the bases. In their interpretation of countering Mao's dictum that the guerilla must swim in the people as the fish swims in the sea, they hoped to turn the sea against the fish.

Their main device was the Combined Action Platoon, with a 15-man rifle squad and 34 local militia. Rather than having separate "advisory" units, the bulk of the CAP members served alongside the local militia, building personal relationships. It would "capture and hold" hamlets and villages. The Marines put heavy stress on honesty in local government, land reform (giving more to the peasants) and MEDCAP patrols that offered immediate medical assistance to villagers. In some respects, the CAP volunteers had assignments similar to the much more highly trained United States Army Special Forces, but they would make use of whatever skills they had. One young Marine, for example, was a graduate of a high school in an agricultural area in the U.S., came from a family hog farm that went back several generations, and won competitions for teenagers who raised prized hogs. While he was no military expert, he was recognized as helping enormously with the critical pork production in villages.

Marines in CAP had the highest proportion of volunteering for successive Vietnam tours of any branch of the Marine Corps. Many villages considered the CAP personnel part of their extended family. Westmoreland distrusted the Marine village-oriented policy as too defensive for Phase II--only offense can win a war, he insisted. The official slogan about "winning hearts and minds" gave way to the Army's "Get the people by the balls, and their hearts and minds will follow." Ambassador Taylor welcomed the Marine strategy as the best solution for a basically political problem; it would also minimize American casualties.

Special Forces and CIA

Another came from a joint project of the CIA and United States Army Special Forces. The CIDG (Civilian Irregular Defense Groups) program was created for the Montagnard peoples in the sparsely populated mountanous areas of the Central Highlands. The Montagnards disliked all Vietnamese, and had supported first the French, then the Americans. About 45,000 were enrolled in militias whose main role was defending their villages from the Communists. In 1970 the CIDG became part of the ARVN Rangers.

CORDS

Civil Operational and Revolutionary Development Support (CORDS) was a fundamentally different U.S. pacification operation, directed by Deputy Ambassador Robert Komer. Komer, with advice from John Paul Vann, created it over objections from GEN William Westmoreland. Komer, who had been a White House aide with considerable bureaucratic capital; Westmoreland felt it a battle not worth fighting.

Komer, whose nickname was "the blowtorch", intended to ensure that he would have real power. On his first day on duty, he insisted on having an insignia, on his official car, that gave him the authority of a four-star general. A MACV general sent to the scene argued that only four-star military officers were entitled to our star plates, to which Komer responded, "Those regulations were written before anyone ever thought we'd be fighting a war like this. Put four stars on my car." Winning the apparently symbolic fight, Komer positioned himself in senior military and diplomatic chains of command in the United States Mission to the Republic of Vietnam:

Ambassador and Chief of Mission

Miltary GEN William Westmoreland, COMUSMACV GEN Creighton Abrams, DEPCOMUSMACV Robert Komer, Deputy to COMUSMACV for CORDS LTG Dutch Kerwin, Chief of Staff

Civilian Deputy Ambassador Robert Komer

CORDS created a common command structure for the Office of Civil Operations and field activities of CIA, USIA, and AID.

Each American unit in an ARVN Corps tactical zone, received a Deputy Commander for CORDS (Dep/CORDS), either as a deputy to a combat force such as I Field Force Vietnam or to the senior adviser to the CTZ. Within the CTZ, the Regional Force, Popular Force, and other military advisors were merged with the civilian advisers under a Province Senior Advisor (PSA). The PSA reported to the Dep/CORDS.