History of Northern Ireland: Difference between revisions

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While [[Edward Carson]] had led the Unionist movement throughout Ireland, his right hand man, Sir [[James Craig]] was more than able to take his place as leader of the Unionist movement in Northern Ireland. Craig acted as a broker between the Ulster Unionists and London in working out key details of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920, especially the decision to make the second chamber of the Northern Ireland parliament a mere reflection of the Unionist majority in the lower house, with twenty-four of twenty-six members elected by the House of Commons. This minimised minority representation (only five nationalists in 1936).  Craig helped reorganize the UVF as a separate unit to defend Northern Ireland against the IRA; this this led to the formation of the Ulster Special Constabulary in November 1920. In January 1921 the new government of Northern Ireland at Stormont began operations with Craig as Prime Minister. His first government was helped by a weak Nationalist opposition - the Republicans and their more moderate Nationalist colleagues had been divided on how to deal with the new entity, which neither party wanted to be associated with. This division was contrasted starkly with Unionist unity, who won a strong majority in the parliament (winning forty, compared to twelve seats combined for Nationalist and Republican candidates.<ref>Please note, resource contains two links and not a general summary of election results:[http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/borough.html Belfast results] and [http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/counties.html Outside of Belfast results])</ref>  Craig saw his priorities as establishing the new state on firm foundations; defending it against its enemies, within and without; preventing its over-zealous supporters from taking the law into their own hands (which might destabilize the state and bring intervention from London); and keeping a watchful eye on London, where Lloyd George by the spring of 1921 was anxious to reach a compromise with Sinn Féin.
While [[Edward Carson]] had led the Unionist movement throughout Ireland, his right hand man, Sir [[James Craig]] was more than able to take his place as leader of the Unionist movement in Northern Ireland. Craig acted as a broker between the Ulster Unionists and London in working out key details of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920, especially the decision to make the second chamber of the Northern Ireland parliament a mere reflection of the Unionist majority in the lower house, with twenty-four of twenty-six members elected by the House of Commons. This minimised minority representation (only five nationalists in 1936).  Craig helped reorganize the UVF as a separate unit to defend Northern Ireland against the IRA; this this led to the formation of the Ulster Special Constabulary in November 1920. In January 1921 the new government of Northern Ireland at Stormont began operations with Craig as Prime Minister. His first government was helped by a weak Nationalist opposition - the Republicans and their more moderate Nationalist colleagues had been divided on how to deal with the new entity, which neither party wanted to be associated with. This division was contrasted starkly with Unionist unity, who won a strong majority in the parliament (winning forty, compared to twelve seats combined for Nationalist and Republican candidates.<ref>Please note, resource contains two links and not a general summary of election results:[http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/borough.html Belfast results] and [http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/counties.html Outside of Belfast results])</ref>  Craig saw his priorities as establishing the new state on firm foundations; defending it against its enemies, within and without; preventing its over-zealous supporters from taking the law into their own hands (which might destabilize the state and bring intervention from London); and keeping a watchful eye on London, where Lloyd George by the spring of 1921 was anxious to reach a compromise with Sinn Féin.


The Stormont parliament gerrymandered electoral districts to minimise Catholic representation. In 1929, the Unionists abolished the policy of proportional representation, set up by the [[Government of Ireland Act]]. The new legislation modeled the election procedures on the first past the post system used in Britain. The new system hit the smaller parties the hardest, with Labour and Independent Unionists losing four seats in the election, despite their share of the popular vote actually increasing.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm Contemporary Irish Studies; Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (1983), School of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. Online edition]</ref>  Craig confirmed the largely blatant discrimination in voting rights when he said that Northern Ireland was a ''Protestant State for a Protestant people''<ref>Jarman, Neil; Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland - 72</ref> and ''I am an Orangeman first and a politican afterwards'' <ref>Ibid</ref>. Nowhere was this more evident than in the massive [[Orange Order]] marches held in Belfast in 1926, where 100,000 people marched and 50,000 people watched on <ref>Ibid</ref>
The Stormont parliament gerrymandered electoral districts to minimise Catholic representation. In 1929, the Unionists abolished the system of proportional representation, set up by the British Parliament in 1920 and used the first past the post system used in Britain. The new system hit the smaller parties the hardest, with Labour and Independent Unionists losing four seats in the election.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm Contemporary Irish Studies; Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (1983), School of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. Online edition]</ref>  When [[Eamon De Valera]] proclaimed Ireland was "a Catholic nation," Craig responded in 1934, that he stood for "a Protestant parliament and a Protestant state."<ref>Boyce (2004) </ref>  


Catholic protests at systematic discrimination in voting, and  allocation of housing and public resources formed the core of the civil rights movement in the 1960s.  
Catholic protests at systematic discrimination in voting, and  allocation of housing and public resources formed the core of the civil rights movement in the 1960s.  
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Belfast itself, as a vital industrial city, played a major role in the war providing ships, weapons, ammunition, army clothes, parachutes and a host of other equipment to the war effort. While Unionists in Northern Ireland were deeply and personally involved in the war effort, the Catholic communities were luke-warm, and as a result no effort was made to extend conscription.   
Belfast itself, as a vital industrial city, played a major role in the war providing ships, weapons, ammunition, army clothes, parachutes and a host of other equipment to the war effort. While Unionists in Northern Ireland were deeply and personally involved in the war effort, the Catholic communities were luke-warm, and as a result no effort was made to extend conscription.   


Politics was in turnoil during the war. Craig's death (in November 1940) led to the unfortunate choice of John Andrews (minister of finance); he was indecisive and refused to purge the "old (ministerial) gang." The Andrews government collapsed in 1943 under mounting criticism that it was incompetent. The lack of preparation for the German air raids of April–May 1941 alarmed everyone; other grievances rose from its mishandling of the conscription question, its temporary suspension of Belfast corporation, the upsurge in labour strikes, and the inadequacy of its post-war planning.  The aristocrat Basil Brooke became prime minister, serving 1943-1963.
Politics was in turnoil during the war. Craig's death (in November 1940) led to the unfortunate choice of John Andrews (1871-1956), the minister of finance; he was indecisive and refused to purge the old ministerial "gang." The Andrews government collapsed in 1943 under mounting criticism that it was incompetent. The lack of preparation for the German air raids of April–May 1941 alarmed everyone; other grievances rose from its mishandling of the conscription question, its temporary suspension of Belfast corporation, the upsurge in labour strikes, and the inadequacy of its post-war planning.  The aristocrat Basil Brooke became prime minister, serving 1943-1963.
===1945-1969===
===1945-1969===
After the war the departure of  Éire from the Commonwealth in 1949 brought constitutional assurance that Northern Ireland would remain part of the UK as long as a majority there so wished.  The new Labour government in London worked well with the conservative Unionists in Belfast, for the Unionist Party welcomed the increased spending on welfare (which helped further differentiate it from Éire. Renewed economic growth helped ensure that the 1950s and early 1960s were Northern Ireland's most harmonious and promising years; its post-war experience contrasted starkly with the relative stagnation and isolation of the south. Unionist confidence led to the willingness of some party members to consider reform, as the political system had long been notoriously corrupt and inefficient.  Meanwhile, the voting behaviour of the Catholic minority, its increasing political activism, and the collapse of the IRA campaign of 1956–62 all suggested that Catholics were becoming more reconciled to permanent partition, but they were still angry at the restricted local government franchise, gerrymandering, religious discrimination by government and business, and the inadequacy of state funding for Catholic schools.<ref> Barton, "Brooke" 2004 </ref>
After the war the departure of  Éire from the Commonwealth in 1949 brought constitutional assurance that Northern Ireland would remain part of the UK as long as a majority there so wished.  The new Labour government in London worked well with the conservative Unionists in Belfast, for the Unionist Party welcomed the increased spending on welfare (which helped further differentiate it from Éire. Renewed economic growth helped ensure that the 1950s and early 1960s were Northern Ireland's most harmonious and promising years; its post-war experience contrasted starkly with the relative stagnation and isolation of the south. Unionist confidence led to the willingness of some party members to consider reform, as the political system had long been notoriously corrupt and inefficient.  Meanwhile, the voting behaviour of the Catholic minority, its increasing political activism, and the collapse of the IRA campaign of 1956–62 all suggested that Catholics were becoming more reconciled to permanent partition, but they were still angry at the restricted local government franchise, gerrymandering, religious discrimination by government and business, and the inadequacy of state funding for Catholic schools.<ref> Barton, "Brooke" 2004 </ref>
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* Barton, Brian. "Brooke, Basil Stanlake, first Viscount Brookeborough (1888–1973)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004 online  
* Barton, Brian. "Brooke, Basil Stanlake, first Viscount Brookeborough (1888–1973)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004 online  
*  Bew, Paul, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, ''Northern Ireland 1921-1994: Political Forces and Social Classes'' (1995)
*  Bew, Paul, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, ''Northern Ireland 1921-1994: Political Forces and Social Classes'' (1995)
* Boyce, D. George "Craig, James, first Viscount Craigavon (1871–1940)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'' (2004); online edn, May 2006
*  Brady, Claran, Mary O'Dowd and Brian Walker, eds. ''Ulster: An Illustrated History'' (1989)
*  Brady, Claran, Mary O'Dowd and Brian Walker, eds. ''Ulster: An Illustrated History'' (1989)
*  Brady, Ciaran, ed.  ''The Encyclopedia of Ireland: An A-Z Guide to Its People, Places, History, and Culture.'' Oxford U. Press, 2000. 390 pp.   
*  Brady, Ciaran, ed.  ''The Encyclopedia of Ireland: An A-Z Guide to Its People, Places, History, and Culture.'' Oxford U. Press, 2000. 390 pp.   
*  Buckland, Patrick. ''A History of Northern Ireland'' (Dublin, 1981)  
*  Buckland, Patrick. ''A History of Northern Ireland'' (Dublin, 1981)  
*  Buckland, Patrick. "Andrews, John Miller (1871–1956)" ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' 2004, online
*  Connolly, S. J.  ed. ''The Oxford Companion to Irish History'' (1998) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=74356275 online edition]
*  Connolly, S. J.  ed. ''The Oxford Companion to Irish History'' (1998) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=74356275 online edition]
* Cunliffe, Barry et al., ed.  ''The Penguin Atlas of British and Irish History.'' 320 pp.   
* Cunliffe, Barry et al., ed.  ''The Penguin Atlas of British and Irish History.'' 320 pp.   
*  Donnelly, James S., ed.  ''Encyclopedia of Irish History and Culture.'' Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1084 pp.   
*  Donnelly, James S., ed.  ''Encyclopedia of Irish History and Culture.'' Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1084 pp.   
* Elliott, Marianne. ''The Catholics of Ulster: A History.'' Basic Books. 2001. [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=86066470# online edition]
* Elliott, Marianne. ''The Catholics of Ulster: A History.'' Basic Books. 2001. [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=86066470# online edition]

Revision as of 13:25, 14 September 2007

The history of the state of Northern Ireland begins in 1920. For prior history see Ulster Unionism

From Devolution (1920) to Direct Rule (1972)

The Craigavon era (1921-1940)

Ulster in 1921

While Edward Carson had led the Unionist movement throughout Ireland, his right hand man, Sir James Craig was more than able to take his place as leader of the Unionist movement in Northern Ireland. Craig acted as a broker between the Ulster Unionists and London in working out key details of the Government of Ireland Act of 1920, especially the decision to make the second chamber of the Northern Ireland parliament a mere reflection of the Unionist majority in the lower house, with twenty-four of twenty-six members elected by the House of Commons. This minimised minority representation (only five nationalists in 1936). Craig helped reorganize the UVF as a separate unit to defend Northern Ireland against the IRA; this this led to the formation of the Ulster Special Constabulary in November 1920. In January 1921 the new government of Northern Ireland at Stormont began operations with Craig as Prime Minister. His first government was helped by a weak Nationalist opposition - the Republicans and their more moderate Nationalist colleagues had been divided on how to deal with the new entity, which neither party wanted to be associated with. This division was contrasted starkly with Unionist unity, who won a strong majority in the parliament (winning forty, compared to twelve seats combined for Nationalist and Republican candidates.[1] Craig saw his priorities as establishing the new state on firm foundations; defending it against its enemies, within and without; preventing its over-zealous supporters from taking the law into their own hands (which might destabilize the state and bring intervention from London); and keeping a watchful eye on London, where Lloyd George by the spring of 1921 was anxious to reach a compromise with Sinn Féin.

The Stormont parliament gerrymandered electoral districts to minimise Catholic representation. In 1929, the Unionists abolished the system of proportional representation, set up by the British Parliament in 1920 and used the first past the post system used in Britain. The new system hit the smaller parties the hardest, with Labour and Independent Unionists losing four seats in the election.[2] When Eamon De Valera proclaimed Ireland was "a Catholic nation," Craig responded in 1934, that he stood for "a Protestant parliament and a Protestant state."[3]

Catholic protests at systematic discrimination in voting, and allocation of housing and public resources formed the core of the civil rights movement in the 1960s.

James Craig served as Prime Minister for an unbroken period of nineteen years, making this period popularly known as the 'Craigavon era', as he later became 'Lord Craigavon'.


Northern Ireland during World War II

The Great depression was hard on the economy, with unemployment reaching 30%. In a total population of 1,280,000 (in 1937), regional unemployment was 72,000 in late 1940; it plunged to 19,000 (or 5%) by spring 1943. Full employment brought prosperity to all, and agriculture was mobilized for the war effort as well. Volunteering for military service was popular among the protestants.

Northern Ireland was a vital strategic area of control for Britain during the war; its ports compensating for the loss of Éire's ports under the 1938 revised treaty. The fact that Belfast, Larne and other ports were protected by the British forces meant that the strategically and materially vital estuaries of the Mersey and the Clyde were protected.

Belfast itself, as a vital industrial city, played a major role in the war providing ships, weapons, ammunition, army clothes, parachutes and a host of other equipment to the war effort. While Unionists in Northern Ireland were deeply and personally involved in the war effort, the Catholic communities were luke-warm, and as a result no effort was made to extend conscription.

Politics was in turnoil during the war. Craig's death (in November 1940) led to the unfortunate choice of John Andrews (1871-1956), the minister of finance; he was indecisive and refused to purge the old ministerial "gang." The Andrews government collapsed in 1943 under mounting criticism that it was incompetent. The lack of preparation for the German air raids of April–May 1941 alarmed everyone; other grievances rose from its mishandling of the conscription question, its temporary suspension of Belfast corporation, the upsurge in labour strikes, and the inadequacy of its post-war planning. The aristocrat Basil Brooke became prime minister, serving 1943-1963.

1945-1969

After the war the departure of Éire from the Commonwealth in 1949 brought constitutional assurance that Northern Ireland would remain part of the UK as long as a majority there so wished. The new Labour government in London worked well with the conservative Unionists in Belfast, for the Unionist Party welcomed the increased spending on welfare (which helped further differentiate it from Éire. Renewed economic growth helped ensure that the 1950s and early 1960s were Northern Ireland's most harmonious and promising years; its post-war experience contrasted starkly with the relative stagnation and isolation of the south. Unionist confidence led to the willingness of some party members to consider reform, as the political system had long been notoriously corrupt and inefficient. Meanwhile, the voting behaviour of the Catholic minority, its increasing political activism, and the collapse of the IRA campaign of 1956–62 all suggested that Catholics were becoming more reconciled to permanent partition, but they were still angry at the restricted local government franchise, gerrymandering, religious discrimination by government and business, and the inadequacy of state funding for Catholic schools.[4]

Brooke's refusal to initiate fundamental reform was due in large part to his concern for Unionist unity. Regarding the Catholics, his strategy was based on the hope that welfare programs and sustained prosperity would eventually dissolve their nationalist aspirations. Brooke rejected those Liberal Unionists who sought to recruit Catholics into the Unionist Party. He retired in 1963.


Bibliography

  • Adamson, Ian. The Identity of Ulster, 2nd edition (Belfast, 1987)
  • Aughey, Arthur. The Politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement (2005) online edition
  • Bardon, Jonathan. A History of Ulster (Belfast, 1992.)
  • Barton, Brian. "Brooke, Basil Stanlake, first Viscount Brookeborough (1888–1973)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004 online
  • Bew, Paul, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921-1994: Political Forces and Social Classes (1995)
  • Boyce, D. George "Craig, James, first Viscount Craigavon (1871–1940)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004); online edn, May 2006
  • Brady, Claran, Mary O'Dowd and Brian Walker, eds. Ulster: An Illustrated History (1989)
  • Brady, Ciaran, ed. The Encyclopedia of Ireland: An A-Z Guide to Its People, Places, History, and Culture. Oxford U. Press, 2000. 390 pp.
  • Buckland, Patrick. A History of Northern Ireland (Dublin, 1981)
  • Buckland, Patrick. "Andrews, John Miller (1871–1956)" Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004, online
  • Connolly, S. J. ed. The Oxford Companion to Irish History (1998) online edition
  • Cunliffe, Barry et al., ed. The Penguin Atlas of British and Irish History. 320 pp.
  • Donnelly, James S., ed. Encyclopedia of Irish History and Culture. Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1084 pp.
  • Elliott, Marianne. The Catholics of Ulster: A History. Basic Books. 2001. online edition
  • Farrell, Michael. Northern Ireland: The Orange State, 2nd edition (1980)
  • Fitzpatrick, David. The Two Irelands, 1912-1939 (1998) online edition
  • Hachey, Thomas E., Joseph M. Hernon Jr., Lawrence J. McCaffrey; The Irish Experience: A Concise History M. E. Sharpe, 1996 online edition
  • Harbinson, John F. The Ulster Unionist Party 1882–1973 (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1973)
  • Henessy, Thomas. A History of Northern Ireland, 1920-1996. St. Martin's, 1998. 365 pp.
  • Hickey, D. J. and Doherty, J. E. A Dictionary of Irish History since 1800. Barnes & Noble, 1980. 615 pp.
  • Lalor, Brian. (ed), The Encyclopedia of Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, 2003) (ISBN 9780717130009)
  • McGarry, John, and Brendan O'Leary. The Northern Ireland Conflict: Consociational Engagements (Oxford University Press, 2004) online edition
  • McGarry. John, and Brendan O'Leary. Explaining Northern Ireland (Blackwells, 1995)
  • Mitchel, Patrick. Evangelicalism and National Identity in Ulster, 1921-1998 (2003) online edition
  • Mulholland, Marc. Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Ulster Unionism in the O'Neill Years, 1960-9 (2000) online edition
  • Mulholland, Marc. Northern Ireland: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2002), 172 pp online edition
  • Smith, M. L. R. Fighting for Ireland? (Routledge, 1995), on the IRA
  • Whyte, John. Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: OUP, 1990)
  • Wright, Frank. Northern Ireland: A Comparative Perspective

(Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1987)

  1. ↑ Please note, resource contains two links and not a general summary of election results:Belfast results and Outside of Belfast results)
  2. ↑ Contemporary Irish Studies; Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (1983), School of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. Online edition
  3. ↑ Boyce (2004)
  4. ↑ Barton, "Brooke" 2004

External links

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