Arab Spring: Difference between revisions

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There were supportive reactions from many western governments, however, and in May, the [[G8]] countries, promised $20bn (£12bn) of loans and aid to Tunisia and Egypt over the following two years and suggested more would be available if the countries continued on the path to democracy. However, there was no support for active participation until the news of Libyan air force attacks upon the areas held by rebels. Expressions of condemnation were followed by calls for protective action.  
There were supportive reactions from many western governments, however, and in May, the [[G8]] countries, promised $20bn (£12bn) of loans and aid to Tunisia and Egypt over the following two years and suggested more would be available if the countries continued on the path to democracy. However, there was no support for active participation until the news of Libyan air force attacks upon the areas held by rebels. Expressions of condemnation were followed by calls for protective action.  
The main support for  military intervention came from the governments of the United States, France and Britain, but a crucial factor was an Arab League  recommendation to the United Nations for a  no-fly zone. The Libya resolutions 1970 and 1973 that were  subsequently passed by the Security Council have been described as "the most wide-ranging that it had passed  for more than 20 years" <ref>[http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/270611lyall_grant.pdf. Mark Lyall-Grant: ''Is there an Arab Summer? The UN’s Response to the Arab Spring'', Chatam House, 27 June 2011]]</ref>.  
The main support for  military intervention came from the governments of the United States, France and Britain, but a crucial factor was an Arab League  recommendation to the United Nations for a  no-fly zone. The Libya resolutions 1970 and 1973 that were  subsequently passed by the Security Council have been described as "the most wide-ranging that it had passed  for more than 20 years" <ref>[http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/270611lyall_grant.pdf. Mark Lyall-Grant: ''Is there an Arab Summer? The UN’s Response to the Arab Spring'', Chatam House, 27 June 2011]]</ref>.  
The European Council later declared its commitment to "the full implementation" of Security Council Resolutions <ref>[http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/es/article_11150_es.htm ''EU Council conclusions on Libya'', Europa, 20 June 2011]</ref>, but there was also opposition to military intervention, even from within the European Union. There was opposition  by Germany <ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE73004520110401 ''Military no cure for Libya crisis: German foreign minister'', Reuters,  Apr 1, 2011]</ref>  and  reluctant participation by Italy<ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7660KV20110707 Lamine Chikhi: ''Italy's Berlusconi exposes NATO rifts over Libya'', Reuters, July 7, 2011]</ref>. Among other reactions was the condemnation of the UN resolution on Libya as comparable to "medieval calls for crusades" Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (repudiated, however, by President Dmitry Medvedev<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12825717 ''Russia's Vladimir Putin denies Libya rift with Medvedev'', BBC News, 22 March 2011]</ref>).  NATO air strikes were also condemned by the governments of China
The [[European Union#The European Council|European Council]] later declared its commitment to "the full implementation" of Security Council Resolutions <ref>[http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/es/article_11150_es.htm ''EU Council conclusions on Libya'', Europa, 20 June 2011]</ref>, but there was also opposition to military intervention, even from within the European Union. There was opposition  by Germany <ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE73004520110401 ''Military no cure for Libya crisis: German foreign minister'', Reuters,  Apr 1, 2011]</ref>  and  reluctant participation by Italy<ref>[http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE7660KV20110707 Lamine Chikhi: ''Italy's Berlusconi exposes NATO rifts over Libya'', Reuters, July 7, 2011]</ref>. Among other reactions was the condemnation of the UN resolution on Libya as comparable to "medieval calls for crusades" Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (repudiated, however, by President Dmitry Medvedev<ref>[http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12825717 ''Russia's Vladimir Putin denies Libya rift with Medvedev'', BBC News, 22 March 2011]</ref>).  NATO air strikes were also condemned by the governments of China
<ref>[http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/21/us-china-libya-idUSTRE72K0LX20110321 Chris Buckley: ''China intensifies condemnation of Libya air strikes'', Reuters, March 21, 2011]</ref>  Venezuela and Cuba<ref>[http://news.sky.com/home/world-news/article/15956749 ''Cuba And Venezuela Condemn Libya Strikes'', Sky News, March 21 2011]</ref>.
<ref>[http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/21/us-china-libya-idUSTRE72K0LX20110321 Chris Buckley: ''China intensifies condemnation of Libya air strikes'', Reuters, March 21, 2011]</ref>  Venezuela and Cuba<ref>[http://news.sky.com/home/world-news/article/15956749 ''Cuba And Venezuela Condemn Libya Strikes'', Sky News, March 21 2011]</ref>.



Revision as of 09:21, 26 August 2011

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This editable, developed Main Article is subject to a disclaimer.
This article consists of:

- the summary below; a chronology of main events; notes on individual national movements; notes on the international response; and, notes on the major persona involved.

Although there have been other interpretations, the term Arab Spring is now taken to refer to the sequence of protest movements that started with the successful uprising in Tunisia that began in December 2010. The subsequent protest movements in other Arab countries were mainly motivated by a wish to put an end to what was perceived as government oppression, corruption and incompetence. Many sought to do so by introducing a measure of democratic accountability, but the various national movements had little else in common, apart from confidence inspired by the Tunisian success. The protests have so far resulted in uncertain regime change in Tunisia and Egypt, and promises of limited democratic change in Algeria, Jordan, Morocco and Saudi Arabia. They have met a violent response in Libya, Syria and Bahrain, and the outcome in Syria is particularly uncertain.

Background: the Arab condition

The political structures of the countries involved in the Arab uprisings have (with the exception of Lebanon) been categorised as "authoritarian" (with Syria, Libya and Saudi Arabia ranking among the 15 least democratic countries[1]). Five of them have suffered unusually high levels of corruption (Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Yemen appear among the upper half in the ranking of Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index) [2]. Their populations are predominately ethnically Arab with small native Berber minorites. They include two mixed oil economies (Algeria and Libya); three oil economies (Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia); six diversified economies (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria and Tunisia); and one primary export economy (Yemen). The oil-producing countries of Oman, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Libya are among the world's more prosperous countries. The prosperity of each the others is below, or well below the world average in terms of GDP per head, with Syria ranking 153rd out of a total of 228. According to an estimate based upon data from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia and Yemen, at least 19% of the Arab population lived below the poverty line at the end of the 1990s[3].

The development of the national movements

The violent mass protest movements in Tunisia and Egypt succeeded in ousting existing regimes with the intention of achieving democracy, but the true nature of their replacement regimes has yet to be established. The governments of Morocco, Algeria, Jordan and Oman responded to more limited protests with promises of political and constitutional reform. Saudi Arabia's administration sought to avoid confrontation by announcing a major programme of infrastructure investment. Elsewhere, in Bahrain and Yemen - and particularly in Syria - the protest movements met with military opposition, and in Libya there is little doubt that opposition to Gadaffi's government would have been violently crushed had NATO not intervened.

Civil war in Libya

In mid-February, government forces opened fire on demonstrators in the Libyan second city of Benghazi. A bitter conflict ensued in which the rebels took control of the city. The government responded with an aerial bombardment that caused thousands of casualties. There was international outrage at the brutality of its actions and, on 18th March, the United Nations Security Council responded to the Arab League's request for the imposition of a no-fly zone with a resolution that authorised member states to to take all necessary measures to protect civilians under threat of attack. In the course of the following week, air attacks by US, British and French aircraft destroyed the Libyan air force. In the following months there developed a civil war between government forces based in Tripoli in the west of Libya and rebel forces based in Benghazi in the east. After six months of fighting, rebel forces entered the government's Tripoli, hitherto the principal remaining government-held city. In July 2011, the USA formally recognised Libya’s the National Transitional Council [4], Libya's main opposition group, as the country’s legitimate government, but doubts about its integrity were subsequently raised by the killing by a local militia of its chief of staff, General Abdel Fattah Younis[5].

International reactions

There is no evidence of non-Arab influences upon the Arab Spring uprisings, and every indication that they came as a sudden surprise to all who were not directly involved (although some human rights workers have suggested that the leaks of candid diplomatic cables by the whistleblower organization WikiLeaks served as a trigger for the uprising.[6][7][8]). There were supportive reactions from many western governments, however, and in May, the G8 countries, promised $20bn (£12bn) of loans and aid to Tunisia and Egypt over the following two years and suggested more would be available if the countries continued on the path to democracy. However, there was no support for active participation until the news of Libyan air force attacks upon the areas held by rebels. Expressions of condemnation were followed by calls for protective action. The main support for military intervention came from the governments of the United States, France and Britain, but a crucial factor was an Arab League recommendation to the United Nations for a no-fly zone. The Libya resolutions 1970 and 1973 that were subsequently passed by the Security Council have been described as "the most wide-ranging that it had passed for more than 20 years" [9]. The European Council later declared its commitment to "the full implementation" of Security Council Resolutions [10], but there was also opposition to military intervention, even from within the European Union. There was opposition by Germany [11] and reluctant participation by Italy[12]. Among other reactions was the condemnation of the UN resolution on Libya as comparable to "medieval calls for crusades" Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (repudiated, however, by President Dmitry Medvedev[13]). NATO air strikes were also condemned by the governments of China [14] Venezuela and Cuba[15].

Projected outcomes

A May 2011 assessment by the Economist Intelligence Unit put the most probable outcome as the creation of functioning democracies in Tunisia and Egypt, together with some relaxations of authoritarianism in the other Arab countries. Much lower probabilities were assigned to the equally likely outcomes of comprehensive maintenance of authoritarianism, or a widespread trend toward significant democratic accountability[16]. Neither the persistence of the Syrian protest nor the ferocity of its army's response were fully evident at that time. The BBC's security correspndent, Frank Gardner, has since reported that most analysts doubt that President Assad can survive in the long term, although his prospects may be improved by misgivings about his possible successors[17].

References

  1. The Democracy Index 2010, Economist Intelligence Unit
  2. Corruption Perception :Index[1]
  3. Ali Abdel Gadir Ali: Poverty in the Arab Region: A Selective Review, (Background paper prepared for the IFPRI / API Collaborative Research Project on: Public Policy and Poverty Reduction in the Arab Region.) page 26
  4. The Libyan Interim National Council (Official Website)
  5. Who is in control of the Libyan opposition?, Al Jazeera, 15 August 2011
  6. Peter Walker. Amnesty International hails WikiLeaks and Guardian as Arab spring 'catalysts', The Guardian, 2011-05-13. Retrieved on 2011-08-20.
  7. Tony Benn. The flowers of the Arab spring grow from buds of free information, The New Statesman, 2011-04-14. Retrieved on 2011-08-20.
  8. WikiLeaks hailed as catalyst in Arab Spring, Politico, 2011-05-13. Retrieved on 2011-08-20.
  9. Mark Lyall-Grant: Is there an Arab Summer? The UN’s Response to the Arab Spring, Chatam House, 27 June 2011]
  10. EU Council conclusions on Libya, Europa, 20 June 2011
  11. Military no cure for Libya crisis: German foreign minister, Reuters, Apr 1, 2011
  12. Lamine Chikhi: Italy's Berlusconi exposes NATO rifts over Libya, Reuters, July 7, 2011
  13. Russia's Vladimir Putin denies Libya rift with Medvedev, BBC News, 22 March 2011
  14. Chris Buckley: China intensifies condemnation of Libya air strikes, Reuters, March 21, 2011
  15. Cuba And Venezuela Condemn Libya Strikes, Sky News, March 21 2011
  16. Will the Arab risings yield democracy dictatorship or disorder?" EIU May 2011 White Paper
  17. Frank Gardner: Arab Spring: Where it is now and where it may be going, BBC News 10 July 2011